Russia and the Bukharian Jews, 1800-1917

Friends involuntarily. Russia and the Bukharian Jews, 1800-1917Kaganovich Albert

1. Russian Administration and School Education of Bukharian Jews

1. Russian Administration and School Education of Bukharian Jews

The Russian administration hardly interfered with the education system in Central Asia, fearing to provoke discontent among the native population of the newly conquered region. Often considered by the administration as natives, Bukharian Jews were free from the violent measures of the tsarist administration in the field of education that it applied to Ashkenazi Jews in the Empire in general and in Turkestan in particular [1142]. Nevertheless, the Russian conquest had a great influence on the formation of Bukharian Jews. The consequences of this influence were clearly manifested only a few decades after the establishment of the Turkestan Territory. They can be divided into the following groups:

1. Literature. As a result of the conquest, safe Russian roads opened before the Bukharian Jews, which enabled them to establish close ties with the Jewish communities of Russia, European countries and Palestine. The establishment of such links, in turn, allowed Bukharian Jews to buy and bring from these countries a large number of religious literature in Hebrew [1143]. Subsequently, spiritual enlighteners of Bukharian Jews, trying to spread religious knowledge more widely among members of their community, began to translate religious literature into Hebrew-Tajik and print these translations in the printing houses of Palestine [1144].

2. Teachers. Links with other communities, the above-mentioned safe roads, and well-established postal communication with Central Asia allowed Bukharian Jews to invite good teachers for their children.

3. Study outside Central Asia. Entering the Russian Empire opened new opportunities for students in Yeshivas, Chederas and Hasidic courts in Eastern Europe, as well as in Palestine, thanks to the sea communication with the Bukharian Jews.

4. New employment opportunities. After the Russian conquest, the places in private or state organizations – posts of clerks, clerks, customs officers, valuers, bank employees, etc., were opened before the Bukharian Jews [1145] At the same time, in order to enter the service, in addition to a good knowledge of the Russian language, they needed a general education.

The conquest gradually led to a significant increase in the material well-being of the Bukharian Jews and their even greater involvement in the intermediary trade between Russia and Central Asia. Trade activity required Bukharan Jews to raise their level of secular education, and the growth of the financial situation of the Bukharian-Jewish family provided it with financial opportunities to provide children with better education than before – religious or secular.

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Religious education system existed among Bukharian Jews and before the Russian conquest. The Muslim authorities did not interfere in it, but prohibited the construction of new synagogues, and in fact, as a rule, they were trained in them. The children sat on the floor around the half (teacher), who read excerpts from religious texts, forcing the children to memorize them. Explanations to the read texts were not given, as the teacher himself in most cases could only read in Hebrew, poorly understanding the meaning of the text. Communities of Bukharian Jews until the end of the XIX century the work of the teacher was not paid enough. Therefore, the teaching was often combined with the duties of the Shoikhet and moël(the person who makes the circumcision). Sometimes the teacher, in order to provide himself with means of subsistence, was also engaged in some kind of craft. Departing from the class, he left in his place for the elder one of the most literate students. In the heder (although the described school was called in the Bukhara Jewish homloos , a common Ashkenazic term is used here) physical punishment was practiced. In the summer, classes were held in the courtyard, as the school premises were stuffy and crowded. The boys started to attend these schools from four to five years and ended usually after reaching the bar mitzvah, at the age of thirteen, when they were already considered by the Jewish tradition to be old enough to help their fathers in trade shops or artisan workshops [1146].

Although Rabbi Yosef Maman carried out reforms at the beginning of the 19th century and founded a yeshiva in Bukhara, these measures affected only the elite, among whom there were many recent Persians. The overwhelming majority of the members of the community continued to remain illiterate, both in the general educational sense and in the religious sense. Throughout the century, the Bukharian-Jewish elite tried to overcome this situation by involving the poor in education. The main problem was the lack of religious literature. The exchange of letters mentioned in the first chapter between the Bukharian and Shklovite Jews in 1802 did not stop immediately. According to the information received by Rabbi David De Beth Hillel, the envoy of the Ashtanavan Ashkenazi community, Maman, through the Jews of Shklov, sent letters to many Jewish communities in Russia and Turkey with requests to send religious literature [1147]. These requests did not go unnoticed, and books were sent to Bukhara [1148]. But the books were sent a little, because they cherished not only the emirate.

Children around the teacher (Turkestan album: part ethnographic, T. 1. L. 78). Library of Congress, Print and Photographic Department, LC-DIG-ppmsca-14465

The elderly Maman, around 1818-1819, succeeded in the post of mulay Kalyanhis best pupil is Pinchas ha-Gadol (1788-1858). Although Baron Meyendorf, who visited Bukhara in 1820, did not meet with him, but with Maman, it happened, probably because they could talk a little between themselves in Spanish. One of the first projects of the new rabbi was the organization of the delivery of religious literature to the emirate. Merchant Yakov Samandarov became the main executor of this project. From Messianic literature it is known that in Dagestan among local co-religionists spent the winter of 1820/21 a certain Jew from Central Asia. After that he-and it was none other than Yakov Samandarov-arrived in Astrakhan, where he informed the Scottish missionaries that he was there that he was a Bukharian Jew and his goal was to acquire Torah books for his community [1149]. In light of the idealization described in the first chapter of the Europeans, he naively believed, that they will help him with Jewish literature. The reaction of the London Society in support of the conversion of Jews to Christianity for a request transmitted through the Scots was the urgent dispatch to Samandarov of several hundred books of the New Testament, the Book of Prophets and missionary treatises in Hebrew. Jacob did not arrange such literature, and he printed the necessary books in 1821 in Livorno, in 1833 in Shklov and in 1836 in Vilna [1150]. Most likely, in Livorno, he made an order also through someone, and in Shklov and Vilno personally visited. and he printed the necessary books in 1821 in Livorno, in 1833 in Shklov and in 1836 in Vilna [1150]. Most likely, in Livorno, he made an order also through someone, and in Shklov and Vilno personally visited. and he printed the necessary books in 1821 in Livorno, in 1833 in Shklov and in 1836 in Vilna [1150]. Most likely, in Livorno, he made an order also through someone, and in Shklov and Vilno personally visited.

The missionary Wolff wrote in 1861 that Bukharian Jews buy Torah books from Ashkenazi Jews while visiting Siberian cities, as well as Orenburg and Nizhny Novgorod [1151]. The fact that Bukharian Jews bought religious literature there, was witnessed in 1864 by Yosef Yehuda the Black [1152]. Nevertheless, the purchase and even the publication of religious books, apparently, still could not meet all the needs of the Bukharian-Jewish elite.

Education remained one of the most acute problems of the Bukharian-Jewish communities. Many non-Jewish travelers who visited Central Asia in the 19th century reported a low level of education for the bulk of the members of these communities. The orientalist Nikolai Khanykov, who visited the Bukhara Khanate in 1843, noted the illiteracy of the Jews and referred to the words of Jews from other communities that local Jews are considered to be the most uneducated [1153]. In 1879, the Russian officer Vasily Pyankov wrote that among the Bukharan Jews there were very few literate people and most of them forgot their native language (referring to Hebrew) [1154]. The level of education of Bukharian Jews and Jewish travelers to Central Asia were also low. The newspaper “Ha-Carmel” in 1866 reported that among the Bukharan Jews the light of education had not yet flashed [1155]. Ephraim Naimark, who was in Central Asia in 1886, recorded that throughout the region the Talmud is studied by only a few children in Bukhara and Samarkand [1156]. Another Jewish traveler, Nahum Levi Yitzhak Abrek, who visited Bukharian Jews in 1887, pointed out in the St. Petersburg newspaper in Hebrew “Ha-Yom” that many Bukharan Jews do not know how to read and pray, and the education of children is at a low level [1157].

The first scholar of Bukharian Jews, Shmuel Moshe Rivlin, who lived in Turkestan in 1886-1889, also noted the low level of both general and religious education among Bukharian Jews. According to him, only one Jew out of ten understood the meaning of the prayers. In the cities of the region, the Talmud-tor (schools for children from poor families) widespread in the Pale of Settlement was not [1158]. Concerned by the low level of education of the Bukharian Jews, Rivlin in 1888 repeatedly appealed to their rabbis through another St. Petersburg newspaper in Hebrew – “Ha-Melits” – with appeals to open reformed heders [1159]. They were told that in Samarkand and Bukhara, the majority of Bukharian Jews live in poverty, which makes it impossible to open modern schools and invite teachers [1160]. However, the standard of living of Bukharian Jews since the beginning of the 1890s, as we have seen, began to rise significantly, so that such a response largely reflected the reluctance of wealthy Bukharian Jews to invest in education at this time. Meanwhile, some representatives of the Bukharian-Jewish elite were concerned about the decline of education, primarily religious education. Thus, in Bukhara, Pinchas bin Awad Al Rahman, who was traveling to Odessa in 1862 (he was on his way to Jerusalem), gave an interview in Hebrew to the newspaper “Ha-Melits” published there (after 1871 in St. Petersburg). In it, the Kalantar stated that many parents do not consider it necessary to teach their children well and that Bukharan Jews do not know how to write [1161]. Meanwhile, some representatives of the Bukharian-Jewish elite were concerned about the decline of education, primarily religious education. Thus, in Bukhara, Pinchas bin Awad Al Rahman, who was traveling to Odessa in 1862 (he was on his way to Jerusalem), gave an interview in Hebrew to the newspaper “Ha-Melits” published there (after 1871 in St. Petersburg). In it, the Kalantar stated that many parents do not consider it necessary to teach their children well and that Bukharan Jews do not know how to write [1161]. Meanwhile, some representatives of the Bukharian-Jewish elite were concerned about the decline of education, primarily religious education. Thus, in Bukhara, Pinchas bin Awad Al Rahman, who was traveling to Odessa in 1862 (he was on his way to Jerusalem), gave an interview in Hebrew to the newspaper “Ha-Melits” published there (after 1871 in St. Petersburg). In it, the Kalantar stated that many parents do not consider it necessary to teach their children well and that Bukharan Jews do not know how to write [1161].

From the end of the 1860s, individual Bukharian Jews sent their children to study in the western Russian provinces. Until the end of the century, i.e., until such practice was over, several dozen Bukharian Jews were educated there, according to Slusha’s information [1162]. Most likely, this figure is exaggerated, although the very fact of studying Bukharian Jews in the western provinces is confirmed by other sources. Thus, Rivlin reports that Abraham Chaim Gaon studied in Mogilev in the 1870s, living in the house of Rabbi David Edelson [1163].

Pupils for Prayer (Turkestan Album: Ethnographic Part, T. 1. L. 78). Library of Congress, Print and Photographic Department, LC-DIG-ppmsca-12207

Somewhat later, Bukharian Jews began to go to study and to Palestine. Although the first Bukharian Jew arrived in Safed to study religious issues and the Shchita rules as far back as 1858, the flow of students there began only in the 1890s. This was due to economic and mental reasons. The construction of a railway from the Caspian Sea through Bukhara to Samarkand, and another fifteen years – between Tashkent and Orenburg allowed a number of Bukharian Jews to increase their incomes significantly. As a result, their ability to travel around Europe has expanded considerably. Bukharian Jews also visited the holy places of Palestine. Seeing there, what attention other Jewish communities pay to education and charity, the Bukharan Jews began to arrange special premises for the leaders, where teachers from Palestine and Russia were invited [1164].

As a result, along with the old heders that continued to exist in Central Asia, updated heders ( cheder metukan ) arose . In them, the teachers taught Hebrew children and explained the texts they read. Increased and the volume of mastered literature – the students studied not only the Torah and prayers, but also the Talmud [1165]. Physical punishment was banned in these schools. The example of such a heder was the private school of a large merchant, Hezkiah Issakharov, opened in 1898, which was originally taught by a guest from Jerusalem, Shlomo Tazher, then only a teacher. In this school, children learned Hebrew and religious subjects for half a day, and in the afternoon – Russian [1166].

In 1903, Tager, at the invitation of the head of the Davydovs trading house, Yusuf, became director and teacher of a private school for Bukharian Jews in Tashkent, also organized as a reformed heder. Forty children of wealthy Bukharan Jews were trained in the school, and first of all the children of the numerous family of Davydovs. There were several girls among them. The best teachers from Bukhara, Samarkand and Jerusalem were invited to the posts of teachers at the Davydov School, as well as to the cheder opened by them. 1167

The tuition fees in these schools were greater than in the old heders. Therefore, with the exception of a number of children enrolled in charity, most of the pupils of such advanced schools were children of wealthy parents. And for children of poor parents in some cities since the beginning of the 20th century, talmud-tori began to open – at the expense of the community [1168]. Even then, the new system of education brought positive results [1169].

In general, by the end of the XIX century, the children of Bukharian Jews in the Turkestan region studied in four educational systems: religious, secular, religious, secular in general public schools and extracurricular (home education).

Discovering haters and Talmud tori in old, or native parts of cities, Bukharian Jews, unlike the Ashkenazi Jews of the region, as a rule, did not ask permission from the Russian authorities. The Bukharian Jews evidently knew that they would receive a refusal from the local administration, which forwarded their petitions to the ministers of internal affairs and public education, often without even indicating that the petitioners were Bukharian Jews. Many ministers, not being familiar with the specifics of the legal status of the native Jews, applied to them the prohibitive measures practiced against the Ashkenazi Jews [1170].

The existence of schools opened by Bukharian Jews without official permits was for a long time left unnoticed by the Russian administration, since its supervision of densely populated old parts of the cities was weaker than the supervision of sparsely populated new or Russian parts. Having learned about the existence of the heder in the old part of the city, the Russian administration no longer closed it, for fear of leaving the children without education at all [1171]. Thus, at the local level, the Bukharan Jews were subjected to a policy of Muslims, which consisted of a combination of non-interference in religious education and cautious attempts to attract natives to schools with teaching in Russian.

One of the representatives of Ashkenazi intelligentsia of Tashkent, Ilya Lurie, describing the language situation in the city in 1915, regarded the presence in the trams of explanatory inscriptions not only in Russian but also in Persian as a manifestation of colonial tolerance. In his view, the Russian authorities did little to hamper the Muslims in using their own language and did little to russify them. Surely, he had in mind the lack of attempts on the part of the authorities to regulate the clothes of the local population. According to Lurie, in Turkestan, Russification was carried out solely in the sphere of education [1172].

The policy of acculturation of the local population through education was started in Turkestan by the first governor-general, Kaufman, who tried to unite Muslim, Jewish and Russian children in general schools with teaching in Russian [1173]. When he founded the first such school in Samarkand in 1870, the local administration ordered the natives to send children there [1174]. However, many Muslims, fearing that in such educational institutions children will be disaccustomed to adhere to traditions, observe the Muslim faith and honor their parents, refused to send their children to these schools. Therefore, the native administration, in order to please the Russian authorities, secretly collected tax from the members of the community maktab bullets, so that then for a fee of this money to force low-income parents to send their children there. This practice persisted until the second half of the 1880s, until finally some part of the local population, assessing the benefits of Russian education, herself did not want to give instruction to her children in Russian schools [1175].

Bukhara Jews more quickly than Muslims realized the benefits of these schools and much more willingly gave their children there (as a result, in 1872, in the indicated Samarkand school, according to the magazine “Beseda”, among dozens of students, the children of Bukharian Jews were half [1176]). Moved by the same motive, a few dozen years before, Algerian Jews were also more willing than Muslims to send their children to the common schools set up by the French colonization authorities [1177].

Unlike Russian children who came here at the age of six to seven years, the children of Bukharian Jews and Muslims started their studies at the same Samarkand school at an older age, which, on the one hand, was associated with the receipt in the early years of traditional education, and on the other hand it was explained by the language problem. But even starting to learn later, not all of them could successfully transfer to the next class, as a result of which there were a lot of overgrown schools. According to the Orientalist Ostroumov, who was the official of the Ministry of Education, in 1878 about one third of the students (thirty-four people) were here between the ages of twelve and twenty-one, including fourteen Muslims and twenty Bukharan Jews [1178].

Since at school only Russian students studied the theological subject, Bukharian Jews in 1881 appealed to the local administration with the request to allow parents of their Jewish religion to be educated several times a week with parents’ money. Asked about this, the Minister of Education has agreed, but has determined his permission to teach this subject in Russian [1179]. In 1882 Henry Lansdell visited this school, who saw seventy-seven children in the boys’ department, among them twenty-two Russians, thirty Jews and twenty-five Muslims. Only Russian girls attended the department for pupils. The traveler noted that Jewish children differed from their non-Jewish classmates with better knowledge [1180]. Before lunch, all children studied general subjects: history, geography, mathematics and the Russian language. After dinner, they are separate, in accordance with their confessional affiliation, mastered religious subjects [1181]. Most likely, the Bukharian Jews, in order to fulfill the conditions of the Ministry of Education, found one of the Ashkenazi Jews, who had a certificate of melamed, as a teacher of the Jewish religion.

A similar school – for joint education of children of different faiths, with branches for boys and girls – was also opened in Kokand after its conquest by the Russians. The same Lansdell, who visited this school in 1882 in the former khan’s palace, found among its forty-five students thirteen Russians, twenty-three Jews and only nine Muslims. He noted that the children of Bukharian Jews were not read aloud on Saturdays [1182]. At the end of the XIX century because of the increase in the Russian-speaking population in Kokand and in general the number of those who wished to write down their children here, this school was overcrowded. As a result, the school administration restricted the admission of students, namely, the children of Bukharian Jews, whereas in Bukhara-Jewish families, by that time, the desire to give their children primary education in Russian was further strengthened.

In the city of Bukhara, the political agent Charykov, apparently in need of translators who were loyal to the Russian administration, as early as 1887, was looking for several teachers to teach the Bukharian Jews of the emirate to the Russian language [1184]. This was done only by his successor, Pavel Lessar, who in January 1892 turned to Bukhara kushbegi for assistance in organizing the school. But only two years later, in December 1894, the school finally opened. Thirteen Muslim and seventeen Bukharan-Jewish children immediately enrolled in it. They studied here Russian language, arithmetic, and later also geography [1185].

In the mid-1880s, the Turkestan administration, convinced that the indigenous Muslim population did not want to send children to general schools with teaching in Russian (in 1887, there were only 245 Muslim students in the whole province), began to create for him special Russian -tourished schools (in official documents they were often called schools), where Muslim children could combine traditional religious instruction with a general education in Russian [1186].

Many Bukharian Jews wanted to teach their children in schools of this type and therefore in the second half of the 1880s – in the 1890s they often asked the administration to allow their children to visit these schools with Muslims or open the same schools for Bukharian-Jewish children [1187]. In small towns, Bukharian Jews received permission for joint education with Muslims [1188]. In cities with a relatively large Bukharian-Jewish population, even with the support of the regional authorities in certain cases and the commitment of the Bukharian-Jewish communities to take the cost of maintaining these schools for themselves [1189], such requests were rejected for a long time. For example, in 1889, on the recommendation of the chief inspector of public schools, Fedor Kerensky (the father of the future head of the Provisional Government), the request of Bukharian Jews of Old Margelan to open his Russian-native school or to admit their children to an already open such school for Muslims was rejected [1190]. Apparently, the governors-general who ran the region during these years were against the joint training of Muslims and Bukharian Jews, because they feared that in large cities the latter, showing good results in their studies, would eventually expel Muslim children from these schools. To open the separate Russian-native schools for Bukharian Jews, the local administration for a long time did not dare – apparently, fearing that this might cause discontent of the Military Ministry.

Обращения бухарских евреев увенчались успехом только во время управления краем Духовского и его помощника Иванова, которые, подобно Кауфману, видели свою задачу в русификации не только мусульман, но и бухарских евреев. В январе 1900 года эти администраторы охотно согласились удовлетворить просьбу 171 семьи бухарских евреев Самарканда об открытии такого училища с вечерними курсами для взрослых[1191].

In August of the same year, this school was solemnly opened in the Bukhara Jewish quarter of Samarkand [1192]. She had two teaching posts. One teacher taught general subjects in Russian before lunch, and the other, after lunch, religious subjects and Hebrew. Originally, a teacher from Palestine was invited to teach Jewish subjects. In the first academic year, this post was occupied by Abraham Tsafan Mizrahi. In the 1901/02 academic year, these subjects were taught by Rabbi Shlomo Tazher, already familiar to us, and he was succeeded by Aaron Profit, also a native of Jerusalem. He, like his predecessors, taught only a year. The authorities believed that these teachers were born in Bukhara and graduated there yeshiva. In the1903 / 04 academic year, the Jewish Jew Joseph Khaim Vislyagarov began to teach Jewish subjects. The Russian language and mathematics were mastered by the Russian teacher, who was also the head of the department. The most part of the school’s funds was the state allowance. Part of the money was paid by parents (30-40 rubles a year per student) and the Bukharian-Jewish community. At school, and by that time she moved to the Russian part of Samarkand because of the intra-community conflict, from thirty-five to fifty children of wealthy Bukharan Jews were trained and free of charge – three or four children from poor families. Together with the boys, a small number of girls studied. The budget was distributed by the Board of Trustees, which included mostly wealthy Bukharian Jews and headed by Matat Mullokandov. Initially, the school was located in a rented room, but a few years later the board of trustees, mainly for their money, built a special room with two classes for eighty students. A new room – with high ceilings, large windows, classrooms, teaching aids and cleanliness – amazed the Russian officials who checked the school. One of them, a member of the Audit Commission of Palena Konstantin Savich, noted at the same time a low level of knowledge of the Russian language and mathematics by children. The reason for these shortcomings, according to Kerensky, the chief inspector of public schools, was the lack of diligence of the teacher – Ilya Gladyshev [1193]. After this criticism, the teacher was disposed of, and instead of this, Shushan Pinkhasova began to take over these subjects, taking over the duties of the head of the school [1194]. teaching aids and cleanliness – amazed the Russian officials who checked the school. One of them, a member of the Audit Commission of Palena Konstantin Savich, noted at the same time a low level of knowledge of the Russian language and mathematics by children. The reason for these shortcomings, according to Kerensky, the chief inspector of public schools, was the inadequate diligence of the teacher – Ilya Gladyshev [1193]. After this criticism, the teacher was disposed of, and instead of this, Shushan Pinkhasova began to take over these subjects, taking over the duties of the head of the school [1194]. teaching aids and cleanliness – amazed the Russian officials who checked the school. One of them, a member of the Audit Commission of Palena Konstantin Savich, noted at the same time a low level of knowledge of the Russian language and mathematics by children. The reason for these shortcomings, according to Kerensky, the chief inspector of public schools, was the lack of diligence of the teacher – Ilya Gladyshev [1193]. After this criticism, the teacher was disposed of, and instead of this, Shushan Pinkhasova began to take over these subjects, taking over the duties of the head of the school [1194].

The official rabbi of the Ashkenazi Jews of Tashkent, Kirsner, used the positive decision on the issue of the Russian-native school in Samarkand. In June 1900, he obtained permission from the Governor-General of Dukhovsky to open a Russian-native school in Tashkent by the means of Jews, similar to the schools for Muslims. The central administration at that time required from Turkestan officials more active russification of the region, as a result of which the opening of such schools for the natives was strongly encouraged. Probably, in the pursuit of reporting, which gave permission for the opening of this school, the local administration [1195] turned a blind eye to the fact that the overwhelming number of students in the opening school were children of Ashkenazi Jews. The share of the same children of Bukharian Jews among the sixty-seventy-five schoolchildren in the pre-war years accounted for only 5-10%. Among all the children, the girls made up about a third. In 1913, Governor-General Samsonov, reading a report on the Board of Trustees of this Russian-native school, discovered that it was a school for Ashkenazi Jews. Outraged by this circumstance, he turned to the chief inspector of public schools for explanations. The situation was saved by the director of the Syrdarya region’s folk schools, Sergei Gramenitsky, who said that the school needs children and is mainly supported by the community, and that Bukharan Jews also need to study it in Russian [1196]. Probably, this answer to some extent satisfied Samsonov – this issue no longer arose. that this is a school for Ashkenazi Jews. Outraged by this circumstance, he turned to the chief inspector of public schools for explanations. The situation was saved by the director of the Syrdarya region’s folk schools, Sergei Gramenitsky, who said that the school needs children and is mainly supported by the community, and that Bukharan Jews also need to study it in Russian [1196]. Probably, this answer to some extent satisfied Samsonov – this issue no longer arose. that this is a school for Ashkenazi Jews. Outraged by this circumstance, he turned to the chief inspector of public schools for explanations. The situation was saved by the director of the Syrdarya region’s folk schools, Sergei Gramenitsky, who said that the school needs children and is mainly supported by the community, and that Bukharan Jews also need to study it in Russian [1196]. Probably, this answer to some extent satisfied Samsonov – this issue no longer arose. and also that the Bukharan Jews who are in need of instruction in the Russian language study in it [1196]. Probably, this answer to some extent satisfied Samsonov – this issue no longer arose. and also that the Bukharan Jews who are in need of instruction in the Russian language study in it [1196]. Probably, this answer to some extent satisfied Samsonov – this issue no longer arose.

In 1907, in the Russian part of Samarkand, with the money of Hezekiah Issacharov, the second Russian-native Jewish school was founded. By the beginning of the second year of the existence of this school, only ten students were studying in it, and its owner was having difficulty in hiring a teacher of Russian and mathematics. The appeal of Issacharov to the administration with a request for permission to transform the school into a heder of results did not bring. Therefore, he was forced to find the right teacher, who simultaneously served as the head of the school [1197].

The curriculum for general subjects in all three schools was modeled on the programs of the three-year Russian-native schools for Muslims. From Muslim schools they differed only by teaching singing. Visiting in 1913 one of these Jewish schools an official of the Ministry of Education was touched by the singing of “Eretz Avoteynu” (“Land of the Fathers”, Hebrew) and “Birds” A.S. Pushkin. The children of Bukharian Jews achieved better results than children of Muslims in the same schools. This was noted by the military governor of the Samarkand region Galkin, who inspected all the city’s native schools in 1909. The same was stated by an official of the Ministry of Education who checked them four years later. However, according to his testimony, many Bukharan-Jewish children did not have time to listen to the full course of these schools, since their parents, who first sent children there with a great desire, two years later they were taken away, believing that the elementary knowledge received for life is enough. In 1909, 103 Bukharan Jews were trained in these schools and on the evening courses that existed for them for adults [1198].

In Merv, Bukhara and Herat Jews granted permission to open two separate schools from each other in the middle of the 1880s. At the very end of the XIX century, they had sixty children. They studied Hebrew and religious subjects. The children continued their education in Bukhara and Samarkand. In 1901, in the ultimatum of the administration, the Russian language as a subject was introduced into the programs of both schools and both schools were transformed into Russian-native schools [1199].

In 1907 the Russian-native Jewish school was opened in Kokand. In it, the director and teacher was M.M. Dubitsky. He and Yehuda Kashtil from Jerusalem (the second – until 1912) taught at the Hebrew school. The Russian language, mathematics, Russian and Jewish history in Russian were taught by two teachers – Ashkenazi Jews. The course lasted four years. There were four classes at school. 120 boys and girls were trained, including one third of them for charitable donations, donated by wealthy Jews, primarily trading houses of the Vadyaev brothers, the Potelehov brothers and Nathan Davydov [1200]. In 1913 these wealthy Jews wanted to organize a charitable partnership to support the pupils of this school and submitted the charter of the future partnership to the administration’s approval, but the administration of the region denied them – out of fear that under the cover of the partnership the Jews could illegally acquire land in Turkestan [1201]. Since the listed benefactors had personal rights to purchase real estate in Kokand, and some – and throughout the province, and the charitable partnership was unlikely to aim to acquire land outside the city (in any case, the charter could specifically specify this issue), the regional administration’s explanation looks awkward .

The level of education in this school was probably relatively high, as evidenced by the desire of Ashkenazi Jews to record there their children. But only a small number of them succeeded in doing this, since the 5% norm was applied to the Ashkenazi children in this, although Jewish, school. The author, apparently an Ashkenazi Jew, who reported this fact to the Jewish newspaper, also pointed out that the Ashkenazi Jews who had hated them introduced an interest rate for them [1202]. Indeed, it is most likely that the introduction of a restriction on Ashkenazi Jews came from the Bukharian-Jewish Board of Trustees, and not from the local administration, since the percentage rate introduced in Russia in 1887 did not apply to the lower educational institutions to which this school belonged. Besides, the local administration did not restrict the reception of Ashkenazi Jews in the school of this type in Tashkent. However, it is unlikely that the reason for restricting Ashkenazi Jews’ access to the Kokand school was hatred for them [1203] – in fact the teachers in this institution were mostly Ashkenazi Jews. Rather, this decision was motivated by the desire to raise the children of their community to the proper level of education. It is also possible that this was a precautionary measure in order to preserve for the school a “native” status, which in future could be protected from new restrictive measures of the Russian administration. such a decision was motivated by the desire to raise the children of their community to the proper level of education. It is also possible that this was a precautionary measure in order to preserve for the school a “native” status, which in future could be protected from new restrictive measures of the Russian administration. such a decision was motivated by the desire to raise the children of their community to the proper level of education. It is also possible that this was a precautionary measure in order to preserve for the school a “native” status, which in future could be protected from new restrictive measures of the Russian administration.

Heder in Kokand (Bernfeld S. Das Judentum und Seine Geschichte, Ost and West, 1901. No. 5. P. 374)

The curriculum, similar to the program of Russian-native schools, was also used at the open evening courses for adult natives. In some uyezds the majority of listeners of these courses were Bukharian Jews. In Perovsk, in the mid-1880s, only Bukharan Jews (fifteen people), aged between twelve and twenty-two, studied at such courses. According to the official of the Ministry of Education, during the training some of them learned to read in Russian, but they wrote with difficulty, since classes attended irregularly. Better the case with the training was in Katta-Kurgan, where the Bukharian Jews, who were half the students, could read and write in Russian in dictation, and could also add numbers to the accounts. In the city of Turkestan at a later time, in 1907,

After the completion of the initial general and Russian-native Jewish schools, Bukharian Jews could be admitted after appropriate examinations to general secondary schools-gymnasiums, real and commercial schools. Apart from the Ashkenazi Jews, the Georgian and Mountain Jews [1205] also fell under the accepted 5% norm of admitting Jews to secondary men’s educational institutions outside the Pale of Settlement, while there were no clear policies for Turkistan in regard to Bukharian Jews. In 1912, Samuel Weissenberg was surprised that Bukharan Jews, in the absence of restrictions on admission, almost never send their children to secondary schools [1206]. However, everything was more complicated.

According to Khanania Asherov, one of the first Bukharian Jews – gymnasium students, an interest rate in the Samarkand gymnasium existed, but Khizkiya Issakharov allegedly achieved through the personal ties of admitting three Bukharian Jews to this gymnasium outside the percentage rate [1207]. Meanwhile, it is unlikely that the director of the gymnasium would have decided to openly violate the law. Most likely, after Ishakharov’s petition, the local educational administration at the beginning of the 20th century began to take Bukharian Jews as Samurks in the Samarkand gymnasium as natives outside the Jewish percentage rate. Possibly, personal ties helped Issacharov to achieve adoption outside this norm only his own son, who was a Bukharan citizen, and therefore did not have the necessary status to receive on a general basis the status of a native. Obviously, it is he who is listed in parentheses as a Bukharian Jew, in the sense of a Bukharan-subordinate Jew, among forty Jewish gymnasium students of Samarkand in a statistical summary for 1908 on the Samarkand gymnasium [1208]. The remaining Bukharan Jews enrolled in this institution as natives were either not included at all in the statistics, or were included in the total number of Jews. The latter could be due to the fact that some of the local officials called Bukharan Jews only Bukharan-dependent Jews, and Russian subjects of Bukhara Jews were called native Jews or simply Jews.

These forty Jewish gymnasiums accounted for 13.9% of the total number of students in the Samarkand gymnasium. This excess of interest rate occurred, perhaps due to the recording of Bukharian Jews not by the natives, but by Jews, but more likely as a result of admitting more Ashkenazi Jews to the gymnasium, which was the result of the absence in the city of representatives of other denominations that meet the entrance requirements of the Samarkand gymnasium.

Such a deviation from the percentage rate did not remove the acuteness of the competitive struggle among Jewish boys during admission to the gymnasium, as can be seen from archival materials [1209]. In this regard, Shneur-Zalman Ashe’s statement in memoirs seems to be incorrect that in Samarkand there was no interest rate for all Jews, including Ashkenazi, attributed to the internal Russian provinces. Another assertion by Ash, that in this gymnasium Jews was given the right to take examinations externally, was given inaccuracy [1210]. The fact is that the percentage rate for passing examinations was externally introduced for Jews only in 1911. Since the Christian and Muslim populations seldom passed the examinations externally, the percentage rate from all those taking them almost excludes the passing of examinations for the gymnasium course by Jews in this way [1211]. Perhaps, Esh just remembered her absence at the beginning of the XX century. It is also possible that the educational authorities could make some allowances, since Turkestan, more than many other regions of the Russian Empire, needed people with secondary education. Taking into account the shortage of graduates of gymnasiums and universities, almost universal in Russia at that time, the introduction of a restriction on external certification can be regarded as a purely anti-Jewish measure, since, unlike the percentage norm of 1887, this could not be motivated either by the high competitiveness of Jews in the introductory exams, nor their “bad” influence on fellow students. than many other regions of the Russian Empire, needed people with secondary education. Taking into account the shortage of graduates of gymnasiums and universities, almost universal in Russia at that time, the introduction of a restriction on external certification can be regarded as a purely anti-Jewish measure, since, unlike the percentage norm of 1887, this could not be motivated either by the high competitiveness of Jews in the introductory exams, nor their “bad” influence on fellow students. than many other regions of the Russian Empire, needed people with secondary education. Taking into account the shortage of graduates of gymnasiums and universities, almost universal in Russia at that time, the introduction of a restriction on external certification can be regarded as a purely anti-Jewish measure, since, unlike the percentage norm of 1887, this could not be motivated either by the high competitiveness of Jews in the introductory exams, nor their “bad” influence on fellow students.

In the Tashkent gymnasium in 1912, out of six Jews who wanted to pass examinations externally, only one – in accordance with the percentage rate – was given such a right by lot. Among the six Jews, the Bukharian Jew Ilya Kalendarev was included in the school administration. Disagreeing with this decision on the grounds that the son has the status of a native and, therefore, is free from the restrictions imposed on Jews, the boy’s father, Khaim Kalendarev, applied in 1913 to the chief inspector of the schools of the region Arkady Solovyov. He was always sympathetic to the problems of education among Bukharian Jews, but he could not solve this problem by his own power, since in this case any decision would become an important precedent. He advised Kalendarev to appeal to the Governor-General.

In Tashkent male gymnasium, the relative share of Jews also exceeded the permissible norm, which was envisaged outside the Pale of Settlement by 1-2%. After the circular regulation of the Ministry of Education in May 1908 increased the percentage rate in secondary schools outside the Pale of Settlement to 10%, the proportion of Jewish students in this gymnasium immediately, in the 1908/09 school year, increased to 10.2% [1213]. It is possible that the Bukharan Jews were accepted there as natives, and statisticians included Jews. According to the recollections of Bukharian and Ashkenazi Jews, Bukharian-Jewish boys and girls studied in the gymnasiums of Tashkent, Samarkand and Skobelev [1214].

In 1907 another secondary school opened in Tashkent – a commercial school. In it, children received seven years of general secondary education, and in the eighth grade – a special commercial education. The school taught more than twenty subjects, of which a quarter consisted of different languages, including the choice of students – Persian or Sartian (probably Uzbek). In the lessons of the Law of God, Jewish students studied Judaism at Melamed [1215]. According to statistics for the 1907/08 academic year, among the 126 students there were 34 Bukharian and Ashkenazi Jews, who together accounted for 27% of all pupils [1216]. Since admission to commercial schools was carried out according to the rules of the Ministry of Education, not the Ministry of Finance, the proportion of Jews in these educational institutions at times reached 40% of all students [1217]. However, such a privileged position of these educational institutions did not last long. In June 1910, the Council of Ministers decided to gradually reduce the proportion of Jews in commercial schools to the level of gymnasiums [1218]. As a result, in the same year, the proportion of Jewish students at the Tashkent Commercial College fell to 17% [1219]. Perhaps most of the Jewish students were then Bukharian Jews [1220].

Commercial School in Kokand opened in 1906. His training program was inferior to that of the gymnasium. Mathematics, drawing, drawing, gymnastics, needlework for girls, natural history, history, Russian, German and French were taught. Initially, thirty Jews were studying here, accounting for 30.9% of all students. Obviously, among the Jews most, if not all, were Bukhara, since it is known that thirty-one Bukharian Jews (19% of the total number of students) were enrolled in the school the next academic year. The absolute majority were Christians, and Muslims were only 4% of all students. After the rumors reached Kokand that the Ministry of Trade and Industry was going to impose interest restrictions on Jews, the local exchange committee stated that it was not possible to apply this measure to the Kokand commercial school [1221]. The leadership of the exchange committee, among whose members there were several Bukharian Jews [1222], feared that restrictive measures could be applied indiscriminately to their children.

And in January 1910, when the issue of deportation of Bukharan-dependent Jews was discussed in St. Petersburg, the Kokand Exchange Committee again tried to protect the interests of the commercial school. According to the report of the Turkestan governor-general to the Ministry of War, the commercial college, according to the exchange committee, was held at the expense of Bukharian Jews, and therefore the eviction of the latter was to be closed [1223]. In fact, the committee was somewhat disingenuous, since many Bukharan Jews, whose children received education at the school, had the status of natives or had entered into Russian citizenship by then-they were not threatened with eviction. On the eve of the First World War, a lot of Bukharian Jews still studied at this commercial school [1224].

In this regard, a somewhat underestimated estimate presented by Zalman Amitin-Shapiro seems to be: as if by 1917 only five to eight Bukharian Jews had completed a secondary education [1225]. But in any case, only a few of them managed to continue their studies before the revolution. In 1903, after the successful graduation from the real school in Moscow (he studied in 1891-1899) and the Odessa Dental School (he studied in 1901-1903), the Bukharan subject Shmuel Pinhasov became a dentist [1226]. After that, he was allowed to live and practice dental practice in Russia. He opened a dentist’s office in Samarkand, but later moved to Kokand, and on the eve of the war he already found it profitable to pursue his profession in Novaya Bukhara. Sion Potelachov and Asaf Achildiyev before the revolution were admitted to universities: the first – in Berlin,

Although at the beginning of the century, due to the increase in the number of Bukharian Jews in general and Russian-native schools, their number in the heders was somewhat reduced, until the early 1920s, the hedner education continued to be the main education system for this sub-ethnos in the province [1228]. Russian officials who supervised school institutions and non-violent methods tried to improve the learning conditions in Bukharian-Jewish heders, which was manifested in 1914, when the inspector of the Samardkan region’s public schools K. Aristov ordered the melamedam to equip their premises with desks. The Melameds wrote to the inspector that their low earnings (250-300 rubles a year) do not allow the purchase of desks, and the inspector did not insist, responding to get a desk as far as possible [1229].

The leaders of Bukharian Jews existed not only in the main cities of the region, its regional centers, but also in many secondary ones – in Katta Kurgan, Andijan, Namangan, Old Margelan, Kazalinsk, Perovsk, Turkestan, Chimkent, Chinaze [1230]. While in large Turkestan cities the rich Bukharan-Jewish communities sought to invite teachers who received education in Palestine to the leaders, the Bukharan Jews were happy with the teachers who studied in Bukhara [1231], which remained the religious center for the Bukharian Jews of Turkestan.

Heder in Samarkand. Library of Congress, Department of Prints and Photographs. Collection С.М. Prokudin-Gorsky, LC-DIG-prokc-21861)

In 1894, twenty-two heders were registered in the province, in which there were a total of 603 pupils, including only one girl. In 1911, with the same number of heders, the number of students increased to 778. Among them, there were already 94 girls [1232]. Among these heders, there were also Ashkenazi, which was not more than five, as they were only in cities with a relatively large Ashkenazi population: in Tashkent, Samarkand, Novaya Bukhara, Kokand, and Askhabad. And, even assuming that some of the girls studied in Ashkenazi Jewish heder, it must be admitted that the growth of the number of female students in joint heders with boys was due to Bukharian-Jewish girls. This is indicated by their education in two Bukharian-Jewish heders in Chimkent, where among the forty-five pupils girls formed 22% in 1906, and in 1907 – 33% [1233]. The increase in the number of students shows a change in the attitude of Bukharian Jews towards education. And this situation was typical not only for Turkestan, but also for Bukhara, where in the early 20th century even a separate headers for girls appeared [1234]. However, the education of girls was not an alien phenomenon for the Muslim milieu [1235], so we can assume that Jewish girls were taught in the heder before, but for some reason these figures were not reflected in the statistics for 1894.

https://history.wikireading.ru/373924

https://history.wikireading.ru/373931

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